Another collection of documents relating to Paul Levi will be published next year in the form of an appendix to my edition of the Communist International’s Third Congress.

Daniel, you are in good company in suggesting that the March Action “most probably was undertaken under the pressure of those sections of the Russian leadership who wanted to avoid the transition from war communism to the NEP.” True, the March Action came too early to be a reaction to the Kronstadt revolt and too late to be a last-ditch effort to avert the NEP. But the ultra-left offensive in Germany followed on several months of nudges and shoves by members of the Moscow-based Comintern Executive Committee seeking to “activate” the German party. Were they put up to this by an anti-NEP wing of the Russian leadership?

Certainly, this explanation would explain a great deal that otherwise seems puzzling. What does the historical record show?

I have not found any evidence to sustain this thesis: no sign that there was significant differentiation in the Russian leadership over the NEP decision; no record of divided leadership votes or contentious discussion on this issue.

True, there are many statements by comrades on every side of this discussion that the situation in Russia is difficult and a victory in Germany — even if partial — would render the Soviet government practical assistance. This was a commonplace of Communist politics at that time. Not only Radek and Bela Kun but also Levi and Clara Zetkin made this point. The Levi leadership launched a campaign to achieve this goal, and in a perverse way, the March Action was its continuation. But what tactical policy could bring such a victory? That was the question on which leading comrades divided in both Germany and Russia.

Given the absence of evidence that the course of events was shaped by the Russian party leadership, we should at least consider the possibility that forces in Central Europe may have played the determining role.

However, my knowledge of Bolshevik history at that time is limited, and I may have missed something. I would be very grateful for any information that helps us better understand the Bolshevik leadership’s role in the German events.

John Riddell

The article raises many important questions, but it covers a lot of ground, and as a result leaves out some important issues. For instance, the March Action, which Levi called “the greatest Bakuninist putsch in history,” coincided in time with the Kronstadt revolt, and most probably was undertaken under the pressure of those sections of the Russian leadership who wanted to avoid the transition from war communism to the NEP. Historical Materialism will shortly publish an article containing English versions of: 1) Levi’s ‘Heidelberg Theses’ (24 October 1919) against the anti-union, anti-elections ultra-left that later formed the KAPD, 2) the ‘Declaration of Loyal Opposition’ (23 March 1920) published during the Kapp putsch, which is exactly what the Bolsheviks did during the Kornilov putsch, and 3) the ‘Open Letter’ (8 January 1921), which, as you mentioned, for the first time launched the united-front policy outside the ranks of the Russian CP. Those initiatives were much criticised, but they were all fully endorsed by Lenin. In the meantime, there are a couple of books people interested in this key period of the history of Communism should consult. The first is “Zinoviev and Martov: Head to head in Halle”, with introductory essays by Ben Lewis and Lars T Lih. London: November Publications, 2011. The October 1920 Halle congress of the USPD had to decide the fate of an organization with 700,000 mostly working-class members and over 50 daily newspapers. Levi’s whole campaign leading up to and during the congress was a huge triumph for the Communist International, and I don’t agree with your assessment that “in balance these new forces increased the weight of impatience and adventurism within the united party.” You seem to forget the numerical and political weakness of the old KPD(S), which boycotted the elections to the constituent assembly, joined a hopeless spontaneous revolt in January 1919, etc. The second book is the anthology of Levi’s writings issued by Brill and reprinted by Haymarket: In the Steps of Rosa Luxemburg: Selected Writings of Paul Levi, edited and introduced by David Fernbach, Leiden: Brill, 2011. It shows Levi in his heroic period and then slowly going back to Social Democracy, much like the right-wing of the USPD that split at Halle had done before. But see Lenin’s final assessment of him: “During the intimate conferences on the events of March 1921 in Germany, Lenin said about Levi, “The man has lost his head entirely.” True, Lenin immediately added slyly, “He, at least, had something to lose; one can’t even say that about the others” (Leon Trotsky, What Next? Vital Questions for the German Proletariat, New York: Pioneer Publishers, 1932, p. 103).

Best wishes

Daniel

Hi Charlie–

On point 1, you could have a look at Larry Peterson, German Commnism, Workers’ Protest, and Labour Unions, Klewer 1993, pp. 61-69, especially the last two pages, and also Sigrid Koch-Baumgarten, Aufstand der Avantgarde, Campus Verlag 1986, pp. 97-99.

On point 2, see Broue, German Revolution, pp. 451-55, and Koch-Baumgarten, pp. 88, 91-92.

In addition to such evidence, I think both these points can be deduced by comparing the way the case for the Third International was argued at the Halle convention (see Lewis and Lih, Head to Head in Halle) and the course of the VKPD fusion convention (Broue 464-65) with the general conditions of struggle and relationship of class forces in Germany during this period.

Do you have citations for these two key assertions about the Levi leadership of the KPD?

1. The Communist Party leadership often sought to restrain its trade-union forces from launching isolated struggles likely to lead to costly defeats. This policy of restraint was not popular among many in the party ranks.

2. Late in 1920, the Communist Party fused with the much larger left wing of the Independent Social Democrats, creating a united party with 350,000 members. In balance, however, these new forces increased the weight of impatience and adventurism within the united party.

Charlie Post