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	<title>
	Comments on: Honduras resistance launches political party, as repression continues	</title>
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	<link>https://johnriddell.com/2011/07/11/honduras-resistance-launches-political-party-as-repression-continues/</link>
	<description>MARXIST ESSAYS AND COMMENTARY</description>
	<lastBuildDate>Wed, 13 Jul 2011 22:16:05 +0000</lastBuildDate>
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		By: Richard Fidler		</title>
		<link>https://johnriddell.com/2011/07/11/honduras-resistance-launches-political-party-as-repression-continues/#comment-38</link>

		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Richard Fidler]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 13 Jul 2011 22:16:05 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://johnriddell.com/?p=563#comment-38</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Readers of this website may be interested in a second article that Jeff Webber and Todd Gordon have now posted on the struggle in Honduras (see http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/526.php). In it, they take much the same line that Jeff Webber took in “From Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia”: that Evo Morales (and the mass forces he led) had betrayed the popular movement arising out of the water and gas wars by agreeing to contest a national election in 2005 -- an election that placed Morales and the MAS in the presidency, putting the mass struggle on a new, more advantageous footing for the struggles to come.

This article argues that the Honduran resistance has been weakened by the Cartagena Accord, but the argument is not sustained. The Accord, while not ending the repression of course, has apparently opened up some democratic space for the popular resistance -- and the resistance movement, in its overwhelming majority, is using it in part to build an electoral front to contest the next national elections. Is there any evidence that the Accord has undermined the resistance to repression? What is the basis for the authors&#039; claim that, in negotiating the Accord, Chávez and Zelaya have somehow sanctioned the Lobo post-coup regime? If the Accord remains in force, the Frente can reinforce the grass-roots resistance to repression in the streets and communities with a battle at the ballot box, with or without Zelaya heading its slate. 

It is hard to see how the Harper government&#039;s interests are advanced by this development. As the authors note, &quot;Opposition to Zelaya&#039;s return from exile was at the core of the Canadian strategy in the months following the coup....&quot; Well, Ottawa lost that one.

It is also unclear to me just what the impact is of the Honduran readmission to the increasingly discredited OAS -- especially in light of the recent foundation of CELAC, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean Nations, a counter organization to the OAS which excludes both the US and Canada. 

As the authors note, Canadian corporations continue to pillage Honduras&#039; resources, and the repression of opposition militants does not appear to have abated. No doubt these issues will be major concerns of the Broad Front for Popular Resistance in Honduras, as they should be for us here in Canada.]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Readers of this website may be interested in a second article that Jeff Webber and Todd Gordon have now posted on the struggle in Honduras (see <a href="http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/526.php" rel="nofollow ugc">http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/526.php</a>). In it, they take much the same line that Jeff Webber took in “From Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia”: that Evo Morales (and the mass forces he led) had betrayed the popular movement arising out of the water and gas wars by agreeing to contest a national election in 2005 &#8212; an election that placed Morales and the MAS in the presidency, putting the mass struggle on a new, more advantageous footing for the struggles to come.</p>
<p>This article argues that the Honduran resistance has been weakened by the Cartagena Accord, but the argument is not sustained. The Accord, while not ending the repression of course, has apparently opened up some democratic space for the popular resistance &#8212; and the resistance movement, in its overwhelming majority, is using it in part to build an electoral front to contest the next national elections. Is there any evidence that the Accord has undermined the resistance to repression? What is the basis for the authors&#8217; claim that, in negotiating the Accord, Chávez and Zelaya have somehow sanctioned the Lobo post-coup regime? If the Accord remains in force, the Frente can reinforce the grass-roots resistance to repression in the streets and communities with a battle at the ballot box, with or without Zelaya heading its slate. </p>
<p>It is hard to see how the Harper government&#8217;s interests are advanced by this development. As the authors note, &#8220;Opposition to Zelaya&#8217;s return from exile was at the core of the Canadian strategy in the months following the coup&#8230;.&#8221; Well, Ottawa lost that one.</p>
<p>It is also unclear to me just what the impact is of the Honduran readmission to the increasingly discredited OAS &#8212; especially in light of the recent foundation of CELAC, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean Nations, a counter organization to the OAS which excludes both the US and Canada. </p>
<p>As the authors note, Canadian corporations continue to pillage Honduras&#8217; resources, and the repression of opposition militants does not appear to have abated. No doubt these issues will be major concerns of the Broad Front for Popular Resistance in Honduras, as they should be for us here in Canada.</p>
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